HARVEST: The prime ministership of Modi is the bitter harvest of the Ram Janmabhoomi Yatra of L K Advani. Ironically, Advani was sidelined by Narendra Modi.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is the principal beneficiary of the Ramjanmabhoomi Rath Yatra, launched by the then BJP President L K Advani, which led to the demolition of the Babri Masjid. This led to the rise of saffron fascism in the country with the number of BJP seats in Parliament going up from two MPs in 1992 to 301 in 2021.

By Harsh Thakor

WE COMMEMORATED the 29th anniversary of Babri Masjid demolition on December 6. No post-independence event so much transformed the psyche of the Indian people or escalated communal fervour at such a scale. The demolition took saffron communalism to magnitude unprecedented and Hindutva to a new height. It polarised fascism from bourgeois democracy and exposed how in essence India was not secular.
Even if formally secular Babri Masjid had its breeding ground in the pro-Hindu policies of the Congress itself with it’s genesis from days of independence or Gandhian Congress. The tempo was built up for a sustained period after Rajiv Gandhi opened the doors of the Masjid in 1986. The 2019 judgement reflected how Hindutva fascsim has penetrated the judicial system with the criminals being exonerated and permission been granted to build a temple. The secular fabric of the Constitution has been ripped apart.
On December 22, 1949 – idols of Ram and Sita – two Hindu mythological gods in India`s history were placed on the site under the inspiration of Vallabhai Patel. This was the source of the post-independence communal tension that occurred. Hindu fanatics claimed that the idols had sprung from the earth while Muslims protested.
The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) claimed that the site had been Lord Rama’s birthplace. Vikram Aditya had built a temple to Rama at the site. They claimed that Babar (the first ever Moghul Emperor who ruled in 1528) later destroyed the temple to create the Mosque. There is little historical evidence to back this claim.
However, one thing we are certain that in 1949 what without doubt existed was a mosque. Four centuries ago, Ramayana (Hindu mythological epic) historian Tulsidas made no mention of a temple being destroyed. It is most likely he would have written about it in the record books, if it was a historic fact. Ten thousand years ago no history was recorded, so there is no evidence that Ram was born in the temple. I can never forget my days as a youth in Mumbai, hearing about the attack on Babri Masjid. As an activist of student organisation Pravis and democratic rights organisation, Lok Shahi Hakk Sanghatana, I was regular participant of ‘Ekta Samiti’ formed in 1986, convened by reformer Asghar Ali Engineer.
It coincided with the days of the declaration of the Shah Bano judgement and the Congress patronising the goal of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. However, some of us expressed how such platforms have a weakness in not emphasising how class struggle only can confront Hindu communalism and not just propagating religious brotherhood like M K Gandhi. The traditional left parties had not extricated themselves from parliamentary electoral politics and diffused militant approach to combat it. No doubt their cadre was most secular, heroically confronting Shiv Sena and ABVP forces, during communal riots, like in Bhiwandi in 1984. ‘Ekta Forum’ was progressive but adopted a reformist approach akin to that of Gandhi. The Revolutionary Marxist Leninist groups did not form a front of their own to challenge the saffron fascist forces patronised by the Congress.

RATH YATRA
At the time of the ‘Rath Yatra’ of 1990, two memories that most linger to my mind are the 1990 poster of Lok Shahi Hakk Sanghatana highlighting the unity of the workers in confronting communalism which was noticeably seen by factory workers. The other was a poster by CPI (ML) Red Flag addressing the ruling classes how people should fight for issues like price rise, housing, jobs, etc. instead of fighting for a temple. Although small qualitative campaigns were taken out by constituents of the All India Federation of Organisations for Democratic Rights. Very commendable work was undertaken by the Bharatiya Janwadi Agahadi in the slums or bastis building volunteer self-defence forces.
Most effective anti-riot committees were built. I can’t forget how sections of Hindu workers risked their lives to save their brethren Muslims in Bhiwandi or Kurla. It was also admirable how during the subsequent riots in Mumbai, democratic revolutionary forces undertook a counter poster campaign at railway stations and distributed leaflets to confront the communal tide in slums. Very positive work was undertaken in Khagaria region of Bihar in 1989-90 confronting communal forces with secular resistance of combat forces and also in 1993 by the Bharat Naujwan Sabha and Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Samiti in regions like Palamau and Jehanabad. Peasant struggle played an important role in diluting communalism during the Bhagalpur riots. Even if subjugated to severe state repression organisations like Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union and Evolutionary Students League in Gaya initiated cycle rallies and meetings condemning the saffron fascists. It was noteworthy that in states where the revolutionary parties like Peoples’ War Group and Party Unity Group led armed struggle of the peasantry in that period, communal riots never took place like in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh.
A major obstacle was how the genuine Communist Revolutionary forces could not come afloat to intervene and thwart such a disaster. Inspite of waging armed struggle the erstwhile Peoples’ War, Party Unity and Maoist Communist Centre could not come out of their tunnels to challenge it. The revolutionary camp outside that of waging armed struggle, too, could hardly effectively challenge it, be it the CPI (ML) Red Flag, the CPI (ML) Janashakti, CPI (ML) New Democracy, the Central Team CPI(ML) or the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India. A glaring weakness was the presence of democratic revolutionary secular work in the ranks of the working class or self-defence forums built in bastis. I can’t forget how communal spirit was aggrandised amongst Hindu workers after the incident. The democratic movement failed to rally along the secular cadre of the CPI and CPM.
Sadly in the last 29 years, Hindu communalist fervour has escalated to magnitude unprecedented with Hindu communal psyche reaching its crescendo. Anti-Muslim feeling has penetrated the minds of all spheres of society at scale unmatched. Although intentions are progressive today there is a powerful trend that feels parliamentary or Gandhian reformist trend can pose an effective challenge to the saffron fascists.
They fail to comprehend the regressive aspect of Gandhian Ram Rajya with Santana Hinduism promoting many of the reactionary aspects of caste system and how so called secular parties like Congress, Janata Dal or even CPM collaborated with communal forces. I can’t forget V P Singh in 1989 forging an alliance with the BJP and how CPM, too, to gain ascendancy allied with communal parties in Kerala and Bengal. I recommend readers to study how Shiv Sena was a creation of the Congress in late 1960s and how Congress was so partisan with Hindus during Bhiwandi riots in 1971 and 1984 and how Rajiv Gandhi led Congress built over one thousand ramshilyas in 1989.
ANTI-MINORITY AGENDA
It’s not that the Narendra Modi regime is merely responsible. All parliamentary parties, of all shades and ideological orientation, are equally responsible for giving the saffron fascists a prop. The regime of the Congress had patronised criminals and riot mongers like Advani and other BJP leaders. The Congress protected the Narendra Modi-Amit Shah clique from any legal consequences for their nasty role behind the anti-Muslim pogrom of Gujarat. It paved the path for the ascendancy of Narendra Modi with remorseless ease and never did any SP or BSP government in Uttar Pradesh undertake any effective action against the rioters who took saffron spirit to frenzy. I recommend readers to read past issues of ‘In Defence of Democratic Rights’ from 1986-1993 which was the organ of the All India Federation of Organistaions for Democratic Rights which most analytically projects the ascendancy of saffron communalism. I also suggest readers read the article published in Marathi journal ‘Jasood’ projecting how the event should have been challenged. I also feel views of Bernard De Mello are most insightful in his book ‘India after Naxalbari.’
Today, in my view, the most progressive analysis is done in article ‘25 Years of Babri Masjid Demolition and Rise of Hindutva Fascism’ by Tanmoy Ibrahim in ‘Peoples’ Review’ which underlines that only by fighting the social order at the very base and sharpen class struggle can the enemy be challenged. It exposes how the Congress earlier endorsed Hindu communal politics in essence and the pretentious nature of Nehruvian Socialism. It most comprehensively highlighted the co-relation between secularism with struggles of the peasantry and workers to challenge semi-feudalism and imperialism. Most lucidly, it demarcates from Gandhian reformist politics and most illustratively it projects how in essence the parliamentary system is not democratic. In most methodical fashion it describes the relationship between Hindutva and the oppressive socio-economic order or globalisation.
In recent times, in the revolutionary camp, notable work has been undertaken by the CPI (ML) New Democracy holding effective seminars. In the working class camp, commendable secular propaganda has been undertaken by ‘Bigul Mazdoor Dasta’ in basti areas of Delhi amongst industrial workers. Still I feel we must exploit contradictions sharpening amongst ruling classes to build the united front to combat fascism with BJP being the main danger. Today, it is complex with the Muslim minority completely marginalised. Most cautiously arguably on a tactical basically with progressive Muslim forces, etc. Efforts must be initiated to link the anti-Brahmanic caste struggle with the secular movement. However, I also feel that intellectuals must be vary of blindly attacking Hinduism as being fascist and not paying respect to features which are positive. Remember the contribution of Swami Agnivesh and those who wished to reform Hinduism. Preaching Bhagavad Gita is not the same thing as Hindutva. In my personal view, there could be even progressive forces who even if supporting Hinduism possess scorn for the agenda of Hindutva. Today, Hindu religious thinking encompasses the nation. Of course, a cultural movement must be built to rebuke the evading of Moghuls in history books or glorifying RSS leaders like Veer Savarkar.
SECULAR RALLY
In recent times, I can never forget a secular rally against the monopoly of the saffron fascists at August Kranti Maidan in Mumbai in January 2019 where secular spirit simmered at a boiling point. It reminded me of the secular feelings portrayed after the 1993 riots in Mumbai and the Godhra carnage in 2002. I can never forget the sheer disgust on many a student or youth and their enthusiasm in undertaking relief work. The programmes in Delhi in January 2019 of peasant organisations condemning NRC-NPR, shimmered secular spirit like a prairie fire being lit. It is also imperative for the farmers’ movement to integrate with the movement protecting the rights of Muslim minority and build a bulwark against communal fascism.
In 1984, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), a communal all-India Organisation claiming to fight for the liberation of the Hindus began their movement for “The Liberation of Ayodhya.” They were greatly boosted by their success in the 1983 nationwide Ekatmata Rath Yatra. Nationwide leaflets were distributed showing Ram behind the bars and calling Hindus to liberate the temple. It was particularly predominant in Uttar Pradesh.
On December 19, 1985, on Ramayan Mela day the chief minister visited Ayodhya. The chief minister asked for the file and found no court order requiring the shrine’s closure. A month later, a Faizabad lawyer moved the District Judge’s court for the temple’s unlocking on the grounds that there was no specific order opposing it. The collector testified that he had not come across any document which demonstrated that preparations could be made for maintaining law and order if the locks were opened. The District Judge then ordered the locks to be opened and the devotees to be allowed in the temple. However well before the Judge’s order the Provincial Armed Constabulary had been massively deployed around the State.
The Congress was massively employed in communal organisations both Hindu and Muslim. The VHP president was a Congress -I member of the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Council. The head of the Babri Masjid Action Committee was Maulana Hussain Kachauvi, a Congress-I politician. In every town of Uttar Pradesh, the VHP were patronised by the State in holding rallies propagating communal politics. On the walls, they wrote “Hindu Hindu ko Jodenge, Janma Bhoomi Ka Tal Todenge” (Hindus will unite and break the locks of the Babri Masjid) and “Jis Hindu ka Khoon na Khaule, Khoon Nahi, vo Pani Hai.” (The Hindu whose blood does not boil, actually has water in his veins, not blood.) The police remained silent spectators when such slogans were raised.
Hypocritically, the UP Government stated that it could not interfere with religious affairs as the case was proceeding in the court. The only reason the gates of the Babri Masjid could be unlocked was the State’s intervention in the court case. On February 14, 1986, riots began in Delhi as well as Varanasi, Lucknow, Meerut and Jaunpur. It even spread to Jammu where 120 people were injured through heavy rioting.
In 1989, in September, a giant ‘Rath Yatra’ was held from Sitamarhi to Ayodhya. Communal leaflets were distributed throughout India calling Indians to liberate the temple from the Muslims and erecting a temple for Ram. In Bhagalpur, riots broke out with 1,000 people being killed. It was the worst carnage since the 1984 Sikh massacre.
To win the elections, Rajiv Gandhi advocated ‘Ram Rajya.’ Rajiv Gandhi began his campaign from Ayodhya to win the Hindu votes. The Congress deployed five lakh Ramshilas statuettes of Lord Rama to win over the Hindu people’s sympathies in villages as propaganda. Rajiv Gandhi personally laid Shilanyas (Idols of Rama) at the Ayodhya site. In Bihar, heroic resistance was organised in Khagaria district where in towns democratic forces thwarted communal elements explaining the true historical facts.
At that time, the Janata Dal government gained victory in the elections. They verbally opposed communalism but their leader V P Singh although personally secular was unable to prevent the VHP from carrying out the bricklaying ceremony (a Hindu form of worship.) Earlier, V P Singh had promised to come to Ayodhya to offer satyagraha against it. The Janata Dal government came to power with an electoral alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The BJP had openly supported the VHP. What also was of particular significance was the special clearance given to a ceremony at Ayodhya despite the Allahabad High Court order that the site for the VHP was ‘in dispute’ and hence, status quo should be maintained. The Congress government, in fact, encouraged the brick worship and patronised their processions all over India despite riots in North India.

BABRI MASJID DEMOLISHED
In 1990, the VHP led a ‘Rath Yatra’ (a Hindu communal march propagating the liberation of Hindus) to Ayodhya. Even in Janata Dal ruled states like Bihar, their propaganda was allowed. In 1992, on December 6, finally the VHP achieved their long-cherished mission. At 11 am that day, karsevaks pulled through the police cordon and rushed towards the 464-year-old Babri Masjid. They were equipped with wielding pickaxes, hammers, shovels and iron rods. At that time, the police superintendent D B Rai told the press. “It is all under control. Go and relax. You are wasting your time. “At 11.50 am, the karsevaks scaled one dome. By 12.05 pm, the three domes were covered with karsevaks. By 12.15 pm, all journalists and photographers at the site were attacked and equipment smashed so that no record could be maintained. At 1.55 pm, the dome collapsed. At 3.00 pm, Sadhvi Rithambara began singing, dancing and repeating “Break the Babri Masjid.” At 4.49 pm, the Mosque was reduced to rubble.
In celebration, karsevaks started attacking the houses of Muslims. For five hours, the central government watched on as 25,000 strong paramilitary force remained spectators. With the ruling Congress government’s patronage, the Babri Masjid was demolished. Riots broke out throughout the country and it seemed that communal flames were burning the entire nation. The masses of India were trapped by the communal monsters.
In February, the bomb blasts occurred in Mumbai and this led to the worst communal carnage since Independence. Being a Muslim in those days was like being a Jew in Hitler’s regime and the Shiv Sena (communal party which claims to be fighting for the liberation of the Maha Maratha Community and for all non -Maharashtrian communities to be driven out of the state of Maharashtra) forces had become the equivalent of the S S in Hitler’s days. The Shiv Sena criminals responsible for the riots have still not been brought to the book by the Srikrishna Commission.
The sequence of events after the demolition was almost indescribable. In Kurla, in Mumbai, stabbings took place. A mathadi worker was also attacked. On December 31, a Muslim employee was attacked with choppers and an electronic shop was burnt. Police officers tried to create communal disturbance with the help of anti-social elements. In Bhandu, a Muslim ration shop owner was attacked. A Hindu was stabbed in Bhindi Bazar. In Dongri, Kurla, Pydhonie and South Central Mumbai clashes took place. Seven Maha Artis were held in the city at the Hanuman Temple, Kalachowki, Lalbag. On December 28, the Faizabad district administration allowed 70 devotees to have symbolic darshan of the idols at the Babri Masjid site in Ayodhya. Large-scale looting and arson took place throughout Mumbai city. In Dharavi, mobs burnt 10 handcarts, houses as well as killed a Muslim. For their political gains, the BJP incited communal trouble.
As an excuse to attack Muslims, Shiv Sena and RSS elements started stone throwing. 929 incidents of arson took place. An exodus of 1.25 lakh residents, mostly Muslims had to leave the city. Big builders used the riots for the purpose of land grabbing. The city was also divided on communal lines. Muslim workers were terrorised in their areas of work. To ensure safety managements had to send Muslim workers on leave. In Oberoi Towers, Larsen and Toubro, Bombay Dyeing, etc. Muslim workers were threatened by the Sena unions that they would be removed from work. The riots also made the religious organisations more powerful.
Police inaction was predominant at the time of the riots. In fact, the police unleashed a reign of terror by breaking into homes of Muslims falsely claiming that they were going in to curb riots. They remained silent spectators when Shiv Sena and RSS elements were raiding or attacking Muslim homes. In fact, the police used curfew as a means of keeping Muslims indoors.
“Unlike conventional communalism and religious fundamentalism, communal fascism confronts the people to apolitical challenge and requires to be treated in tandem with major political tasks in the movement. It is so because it goes beyond playing a mere diversionary and divisive role and acts as a major channel of the unfolding class offensive of the ruling classes against the people. Because of that, the struggle against communal fascism gets bound up with the anti-feudal and anti-imperialist struggles of the people.”
“A platform of opposition to Hindu communal fascism has to be a consistently secular platform, so much so that even the issue of security and dignity of Indian Muslims must be addressed from a secular platform. It won’t do to pit an anaemic liberal bourgeois secularism against Hindu communal fascism that has a weight of social orthodoxy and reaction behind it. It has to be a platform of secular defence of people’s democracy against the dictat, coercion and tyranny of socio-political and religious hierarchies, a platform of secular opposition to national chauvinism for the defence of just national concerns of the Indian people, collectively and severally. Only then can it be a militant, as based secular platform that can go into apolitical offensive against Hindu communal –fascism.”

Courtesy: Covid Response watch Counter currents. org